Nakba Denial: On the politics of history and genocide by Esmat Elhalaby

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I hope to expose the fallacy of certain efforts to construct parallelisms or juxtapositions that wish to reconcile histories of Zionism and the Palestinian condition. Even if expressly disavowed, this symmetry enshrines an asymmetry that erases Palestinian sources and points of view in the name of recognition. Alongside others in his field, Bartov may speak of the present genocide and attain respect precisely because of how their academic careers and the disciplines they helped establish have denied the genocidal nature of Israel and the Nakba. In other words, their confidence in naming today’s genocide is enabled by a theoretical and intellectual discourse—with its endowments and institutions—where Nakba denial has been the norm. Without revisiting their own historical writings about the Nakba, they relegate the Nakba (and prior events) to an altogether other history outside of today’s continuing Nakba.

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Left-wing Melancholia: The Arab political subject by Nihal El Aasar

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  1. In February this year, month four of the genocide, I read an article in the Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar that stuck with me. Titled “Death of the Arab Spring Subject” (موت إنسان الربيع العربي), it argued that the Arab political subject who participated in the Arab Spring must die to allow the subject of Al-Aqsa Flood to take their place. That is, the subject that relied on human rights organizations, NGOs, and Western institutions should be put to rest. In its place, a new political subject in the Arab world would emerge—one proposing methods of organization, resistance, and steadfastness, embodying a refusal to submit to defeat, despite siege, oppression, and conspiracies. Whether true or false, it made me want to seriously grapple with the question of the state of the Arab political subject before and after Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza.

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Israel’s Reality Principle by Mary Turfah

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  1. In the aftermath of the Nazi Holocaust—the first case of genocide recognized by international law—many Zionists looked at the victims and recoiled at their weakness. They committed themselves to “never again,” even if it meant perpetrating a genocide to avoid being perceived as such. However, this motivation did not dictate the timing or rationale behind the displacement of Palestinians; the settler colonial project was already well underway by the 1930s. Instead, this outlook informs how today’s Zionists see themselves.

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The Repressed Ruptures of Zionist Time by Adam Hajyahia

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  1. The genocide we witness today in Gaza is not a state of exception but one that requires to be read and understood as embedded within the fascistic historical structure of Zionism that always sought the termination and repression of Palestinians through various technological, necropolitical, and psychosocial arrangements. Palestinians were never meant to survive, let alone return or even have the psychic breadth to think of militant resistance to reclaim their lives and lands.
  2. … Palestinian return, however, functions through the expression of what is presently repressed: there are no archaic or mythic desires or pasts, but a materially extracted, exported, demonized, marginalized, incarcerated, contained, and maimed real presence under domination with a desire for it to be undone.

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