UN Office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, International Criminal Court Prosecutor, International Court of Justice President: Investigate the Possibility that Israel is Committing the Crime of Genocide Against the Indigenous Palestinian People.
“So when we talk about anti-normalization, it’s not an intellectual exercise. People-families, children, parents- with lives, dreams, hopes, and aspirations- just like each and every one of you- their lives are at the end of every action we take when Israel is in question. There is no way to disentangle a colonized people from the regime that has propped itself on top of them. Any policy, any action, any transaction that Israel makes- economic, cultural, academic- is at the expense of Palestinian lives and existence as a people. Because the colonial goal is the elimination of the indigenous identity so that the colonists may claim the place and its history. And by erasing the people, erasing the the sin of their erasure. This, of course is an oxymoron. But logic never stopped a genocide, sanctions do. “ (40:17)
“I have not said anything about the hundreds of thousands of Israelis protesting the government and the number of times they use ‘fascsist’… in the last couple of months, I’ve never seen the F-word being used so much in the Israaeli media, it’s unbelievable. Of course it’ll be an extremely difficult period for Palestinians, as we’re seeing from Huwara onwards. It’s the first time that Israeli ministers openly support genocide. I mean all of them do. From the most liberal, who have committed acts that can qualify as possibly genocide- Rabin and Peres, you know, the Peaceniks. (Ben Gvir is much better than them, he has not yet committed any acts of massive ethnic cleansing; Rabin and Peres have.) So all of them agree, but now we have ministers openly saying things that everyone had hidden before.” (1:28:32)
Continue watching at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IFl5abYmjOk&t=9s
Before he became the head of government, Othmani railed against the establishment of normal relations with Israel in the absence of Palestinian rights, writing an article entitled “Normalization Is a Civilizational Genocide” that was strongly critical of Egypt’s and Jordan’s normalisation of relations with Israel in 1979 and 1994, respectively.
Othmani’s signature on the normalisation deal with Israel is thus unprecedented, marking the first time that the head of an Islamic party has signed such an agreement – and calling into question the credibility of Islamists with regards to the Palestinian cause.
Inhofe’s advocacy of Sahrawi independence stands in stark contrast with his unwaveringly staunch support for Israeli policies and actions condemned by international human rights officials and organizations as apartheid, ethnic cleansing, and even genocide.
Mansour’s appearance in Jerusalem, and the screening of her feature film there, are all part of culture-washing Israel’s encroachment on the human rights of an entire people, whose women, children and men have no country whatsoever, and are made refugees in their own land, while Mansour enjoys the privileges of a cosmopolitan life. So long as there are boundaries placed by Israel on an oppressed people – in the form of apartheid, occupation, the denial of the right of return, and a siege bordering on genocide in Gaza – then artists must side with the oppressed, or their art will be used to bolster the oppressor.
Israel, in its attempt to legitimise its crimes, draws an analogy between its occupation of historical Palestine, its current atrocities against the Palestinians, and Arab occupation of North Africa in early Islam. The plan depends on a number of contradictory elements. The first is likening Islam’s early years to the Holocaust, even though the Palestinians, who are facing genocide at the hands of the Zionists today, did not themselves commit any crimes against Europe’s Jews.
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