Anti-Zionism is a Rejection of Racism and Imperialism, not Just Criticism of Israel by Eyad Kishawi, Liliana Cordova-Kaczerginski, Max Ajl

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… ever since the general strike of 1936 and the great Palestinian revoltagainst the British mandate, anti-Zionism has been defined as the rejection of Jewish-only colonies, created on Palestinian land through expropriation and forced expulsion of indigenous Palestinians for the purpose of building the economic and demographic conditions for establishing a colonial nation-state in Palestine. It was only natural that massacres, genocide, and eventually apartheid would inevitably ensue where the colonizer has sought to establish dominance over the colonized.

Continue reading at https://intercoll.net/Anti-Zionism-is-a-rejection-of-racism-and-imperialism-not-just-criticism-of

The Holocaust and the Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History edited by Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg

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“As radically as they may differ,” its editors argue, the Nakba and the Holocaust “belong(s) to the same modern and global history of genocide and ethnic cleansing.” Each was an episode in the hurricane of epically conceived demographic engineering, grand-scale ethnic cleansing, and genocidal population politics that crashed across east-central Europe, Eurasia, and the Middle East between 1937-1938 and 1948.

Continue reading at http://cup.columbia.edu/book/the-holocaust-and-the-nakba/9780231182973

Intifada Incantation #2: June Jordan’s Radical Poetics, Black Girl Organizing, and Re-imagining Freedom Landscapes for Our Collective Freedom by Mekhatansh McGuire

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A type of historical line connects the courage of Jordan as one of the first Black, queer, American feminists to speak out about genocide against our Palestinian brothers and sisters at the hands of American and Israeli governments with the solidarity workshops I have led to engage Black girls in political solidarity with Palestinian and Syrian people. 

Continue reading at https://online.ucpress.edu/dcqr/article/6/3/34/81504/Intifada-Incantation-2June-Jordan-s-Radical

Israel Charny’s Attack on the Journal of Genocide Research and its Authors: A Response by Amos Goldberg, Thomas J. Kehoe, A. Dirk Moses, Raz Segal, Martin Shaw, and Gerhard Wolf

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Obviously, Charny’s main concern, reflecting his commitment to the State of Israel, is with Shaw’s application of the idea of genocide to Palestine. Shaw pointed out that “none of the ‘revisionist’ historians who now dominate the field doubts that deliberate Israeli policies made a substantial contribution to the destruction of the larger part of historical Arab society in Palestine.”
Shaw argued that this was true whether the 1948 removal was the result of Israel’s taking advantage of the “opportunity” to remove it, as Morris continues to argue, or also of extensive “pre-planning,” as Ilan Pappe’s more recent research suggests.41 In this light, Shaw proposed that, within the framework of a broad Lemkinian concept (in terms of which “ethnic cleansing” can be considered genocide), there is “prima facie a strong case for considering the [1948] events partially within a genocide framework.”

Continue reading at https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1436&context=gsp

Roundtable on Anti-Blackness and Black-Palestinian Solidarity moderated by Noura Erakat

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In thinking about Black and Palestinian solidarity since the 2014 Gaza bombings, one of the most exciting dimensions is how the genesis of a burgeoning movement against state sanctioned violence inside the US has intersected with the increased visibility and success of the Boycott Divestment Sanctions (BDS) movement. Aided by the coincidental timing of the Ferguson protests with Israel’s bloody assault on Gaza civilians last summer, many protestors experienced a convergence of struggles in which young people found themselves facing down military weapons, including tanks, armed assault rifles, Kevlar shod “soldiers”, and CS gas. The juxtaposition of images of human vulnerability in the face of overwhelming force, embodied by Israel’s carpet-bombing of residential areas spanning forty percent of Gaza and of armored vehicles advancing on young Ferguson teens in their own neighborhoods as they kneeled with their hands up, forged a lasting historical memory of the genocidal intent of using weapons of war against civilians. Indeed, at precisely the moment that members of Israel’s Home party openly advocated genocide through attacks on Palestinian women as “mothers of snakes,” African Americans began using the term to describe the state violence they were facing at the hands of law enforcement. In the ensuing months, genocide has become a lingua franca to express the plight of both African Americans and Palestinians. The victories of BDS have literally helped to lift the gag rule of both the mainstream press and particular arenas of social media thereby enabling much more unselfconscious discussion about the shared histories of the US and Israel as “racial states” and “settler societies.” In addition to genocide, recurrent themes are the shared experiences of statelessness, entrapment, and carcerality. This cross-fertilization of political culture and analysis is an incredibly exciting development that links both intellectual production and grassroots protest of African Americans and Palestinians.

Continue reading at http://www.nouraerakat.com/blogi/roundtable-on-anti-blackness-and-black-palestinian-solidarity

Mohammed Abu-Khdeir and the Politics of Racial Terror in Occupied Jerusalem by Sarah Ihmoud 

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In Genocide and Settler Society, Dirk Moses argues that in colonial contexts, genocide is a dynamic process that has the potential to be released in ‘circumstances of crisis’ (2004, p. 33). Flashpoints of exterminatory violence released by colonial agents and social hysteria among settler communities on the frontier, what Moses terms ‘genocidal moments’ (ibid. p. 34), reveal not only the complex relationship between settler communities and the state in its various forms, but also the deep structure of settler society. Shalhoub Kevorkian has argued that the Israeli settler colonial project is energized by a structure of genocidal dispossession, a structure predicated on a racial schema that evicts Palestinians from the realm of the human, relegating them to zones of non-being and death (2015b).
What interests me here is not only the creation of a genocidal moment that gave way to Mohammed’s murder, one that further evidences Israel’s structure of genocidal dispossession, but also the resurgence of a discourse of colonial sexual violence in conjunction with the creation of this genocidal moment.

Continue reading at http://www.borderlands.net.au/vol14no1_2015/Ihmoud_jerusalem.pdf

Urbicide in Palestine: Spaces of Oppression and Resilience by Nurhan Abujidi

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These discourses of cultural cleansing and cultural genocide suffer from their focus upon the symbolic cultural heritage, which solely refers to one layer of urban destruction, the deliberate destruction of cultural artefacts. In other words, it focuses only upon the buildings whose loss is judged to be a cultural loss. However, the urban environment normally experiences more widespread destruction than these symbolic buildings. From the Bosnian history of cultural destruction it is evident that hundreds of other types of buildings were subject to destruction–for example, houses in Mostar Old Town and in many of the villages in Bosnia. The same can be noted in the Palestinian history of urban destruction–for example, Nablus old town (more details on Nablus are analyzed in Chapter 6). Indeed, urban destruction encompasses buildings that have no distinctive cultural value, or are of distinct cultural provenance. Thus the interpretation of urban destruction as an attack o cultural heritage provides only a partial (though striking) account of the destruction of the urban environment in Bosnia among other cases; it does not account for the scare of destruction or targeting of buildings that are not recognizable as such symbols of culture. Thus, cultural cleansing and cultural genocide are only partially reflecting the process of urban destruction; they reflect the destruction of cultural artefacts, but this destruction does not take place in a pure form or apart from the destruction of other types of urban environment.

Continue reading at https://books.google.ps/books?id=KLDpAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA21